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Head-marking and dependent-marking grammar. In languages where clitic doubling appears to be conditioned by such nominal properties—e. Linguistic Inquiry Krause, Cornelia.
Q-particles and the nature of wh-fronting.
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Manuscript, Rutgers University. The position of morphological case in the derivation: Bruening, Benjamin.
As 7 demonstrates, the target form in 8b is in no way missing from the grammatical vocabulary of the language, therefore this cannot be the source of ill-formedness in 8b. A unified theory of syntactic categories. Ann Arbor: Such 3rd person singular agreement would not, in any case, be agreement with the dative see Preminger Carstens, Vicki.
What the PCC tells us about “abstract” agreement, head movement, and locality
Alignment of case marking of full noun phrases. Fox, Danny, and David Pesetsky.
Nor can this be because clitic doubling, qua movement, is contingent on prior agreement—since the claim that all movement depends on prior agreement is demonstrably false. The differences surveyed in section 6. Theoretical perspectives Linguistics Today 74 , — This distinction, and its consequences, are the topic of section 6.
Clitic doubling at the syntax-morphophonology interface: Minimalist inquiries: In the event that XP is a phase, reduction is still predicted to apply, so long as X and Y are part of the same extended projection in the sense of Grimshaw and XP has not been moved from [Compl,Y].
Newsroom is open 24 hours, please reach us by email at info canyon-news. For Hornstein , this suggests that head movement might be better modeled as a PF phenomenon, completely outside the purview of syntax. Subjacency-like conditions could be leveraged to derive this distinction.